Assange's 'reprieve' is another lie, hiding the real goal of keeping him endlessly locked up
The US has had years to clarify its intention to give Assange a fair trial but refuses to do so. The UK court's latest ruling is yet more collusion in his show trial
The interminable and abhorrent saga of Julian Assange’s incarceration for the crime of journalism continues. And once again, the headline news is a lie, one designed both to buy our passivity and to buy more time for the British and US establishments to keep the Wikileaks founder permanently disappeared from view.
The Guardian – which has a mammoth, undeclared conflict of interest in its coverage of the extradition proceedings against Assange (you can read about that here and here) – headlined the ruling by the UK High Court today as a “temporary reprieve” for Assange. Nothing could be further from the truth.
Five years on, Assange is still caged in Belmarsh high-security prison, convicted of absolutely nothing.
Five years on, he still faces a trial in the US on ludicrous charges under a century-old, draconian piece of legislation called the Espionage Act. Assange is not a US citizen and none of the charges relate to anything he did in the US.
Five years on, the English judiciary is still rubber-stamping his show trial – a warning to others not to expose state crimes, as Assange did in publishing details of British and US war crimes in Afghanistan and Iraq.
Five years on, judges in London are still turning a blind eye to Assange’s sustained psychological torture, as the former United Nations legal expert Nils Melzer has documented.
The word “reprieve” is there – just as the judges’ headline ruling that some of the grounds of his appeal have been “granted” – to conceal the fact that he is prisoner to an endless legal charade every bit as much as he is a prisoner in a Belmarsh cell.
In fact, today’s ruling is yet further evidence that Assange is being denied due process and his most basic legal rights – as he has been for a decade or more.
In the ruling, the court strips him of any substantive grounds of appeal, precisely so there will be no hearing in which the public gets to learn more about the various British and US crimes he exposed, for which he is being kept in jail. He is thereby denied a public-interest defence against extradition. Or in the court’s terminology, his “application to adduce fresh evidence is refused”.
Even more significantly, Assange is specifically stripped of the right to appeal on the very legal grounds that should guarantee him an appeal, and should have ensured he was never subjected to a show trial in the first place. His extradition would clearly violate the prohibition in the Extradition Treaty between the UK and the US against extradition on political grounds.
Nonetheless, in their wisdom, the judges rule that Washington’s vendetta against Assange for exposing its crimes is not driven by political considerations. Nor apparently was there a political factor to the CIA’s efforts to kidnap and assassinate him after he was granted political asylum by Ecuador, precisely to protect him from the US administration’s wrath.
What the court “grants” instead are three technical grounds of appeal – although in the small print, that “granted” is actually subverted to “adjourned”. The “reprieve” celebrated by the media – supposedly a victory for British justice – actually pulls the legal rug from under Assange.
Each of those grounds of appeal can be reversed – that is, rejected – if Washington submits “assurances” to the court, however worthless they may end up being in practice. In which case, Assange is on a flight to the US and effectively disappeared into one of its domestic black sites.
Those three pending grounds of appeal on which the court seeks reassurance are that extradition will not:
deny Assange his basic free speech rights;
discriminate against him on the basis of his nationality, as a non-US citizen;
or place him under threat of the death penalty in the US penal system.
The judiciary’s latest bending over backwards to accommodate Washington's intention to keep Assange permanently locked out of view follows years of perverse legal proceedings in which the US has repeatedly been allowed to change the charges it is levelling against Assange at short notice to wrong-foot his legal team. It also follows years in which the US has had a chance to make clear its intention to provide Assange with a fair trial but has refused to do so.
Washington’s true intentions are already more than clear: the US spied on Assange’s every move while he was under the protection of the Ecuadorian embassy, violating his lawyer-client privilege; and the CIA plotted to kidnap and assassinate him.
Both are grounds that alone should have seen the case thrown out.
But there is nothing normal – or legal – about the proceedings against Assange. The case has always been about buying time. To disappear Assange from public view. To vilify him. To smash the revolutionary publishing platform he founded to help whistleblowers expose state crimes. To send a message to other journalists that the US can reach them wherever they live should they try to hold Washington to account for its criminality.
And worst of all, to provide a final solution for the nuisance Assange had become for the global superpower by trapping him in an endless process of incarceration and trial that, if it is allowed to drag on long enough, will most likely kill him.
Today’s ruling is most certainly not a “reprieve”. It is simply another stage in a protracted, faux-legal process designed to provide constant justifications for keeping Assange behind bars, and never-ending postponements of judgment day, when either Assange is set free or the British and US justice systems are exposed as hand servants of brutish, naked power.
[Many thanks to Dr Matthew Alford for the audio reading of this article.]
All my posts are freely accessible, but my journalism is possible only because of the support of readers. If you liked this article or any of the others, please consider sharing it with friends and making a donation to support my work. You can do so by becoming a paid Substack subscriber, or donate via Paypal or my bank account, or alternatively set up a monthly direct debit mandate with GoCardless. A complete archive of my writings is available on my website. I’m on Twitter and Facebook.
On Fri, Nov 2, 2012 at 9:02 PM, LUCAS, Caroline <caroline.lucas.mp@parliament.uk> wrote:
Ref: CL.EB.N0095.CM.02.11.12
Dear Edmund,
Thank you for your email and I am sorry for not writing back sooner but the last few weeks have been very busy.
In my view, the Julian Assange case is yet another example of the urgent need to overhaul extradition laws, especially in relation to the imbalanced influence of the US in such matters.
Since first being elected as your MP, I have been campaigning for a review of the UK's extradition treaty with the US and was instrumental in securing a parliamentary debate and positive vote, at the end of last year, for a motion which calls on the Government to reform the UK's extradition arrangements to strengthen the protection of British citizens. You can read my contribution to the debate here: http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201011/cmhansrd/cm111205/debtext/111205-0003.htm#11120537000333 Although I focussed on Baber Ahmed's case - his family approached me to ask me to act as an advocate for him - many of the points are applicable to other similar cases too.
I have followed up on the debate with correspondence urging the Government to review the extradition laws as soon as possible and, although this process is too late for many, I still believe there are strong grounds for political action. As you may know, various committee reports have added to the pressure on the Government so I raised the issue again with the Prime Minister during Prime Minister's Question recently as follows:
Caroline Lucas (Brighton, Pavilion) (Green): In December last year, this House passed a motion calling for a Bill to make urgent reforms to our deeply unfair extradition treaties. Nearly seven months later, there has been no Bill and no action. What makes the Prime Minister more uncomfortable: ignoring the will of the House for months on end or the plight of those facing imminent extradition?
The Prime Minister: We held the Scott Baker review, which looked carefully at the extradition arrangements. The hon. Lady should of course look at some of the cases that have caused concern, but I urge her to look also at the overall figures, which show that we are benefiting by being able to extradite people who have committed serious crimes from the US back to the UK. We continue to look at this issue. We will ensure that we do the right thing for our country, but people should not think that it is a very simple issue, because it is not.
His reply is incredibly disappointing and whilst the Home Secretary's latest statement suggests some movement, it is still unacceptable that British citizens are at risk of potential breaches of their human rights. As you point out, Julian Assange's treatment does not recognise the wider context either - in this case the benefits of the activities undertaken by Wikileaks. Whilst I agree that there are undoubtedly benefits, and you mention the Bradley Manning example as one, it is my firm belief that extradition decisions not be subject to political influence, so I am pleased that the Government intends to act on the Scott Baker recommendation that the Home Secretary's involvement in extradition cases should be reduced.
Thank you for writing to me and for your support and please be assured I will continue to do what I can to campaign for a change in the law. Do let me know if you need any further information.
Best wishes,
Caroline
Caroline Lucas, MP for Brighton Pavilion
House of Commons
London SW1A 0AA
Tel: 020 7219 7025
Email: caroline.lucas.mp@parliament.uk
From: LUCAS, Caroline <caroline.lucas.mp@parliament.uk>
Date: Thu, 11 Jul 2013 at 05:33
Subject: RE: Your ref: CL.EB.N0095.CM.02.11.12
To: Edmund Broadley
Ref: CL.EB.N0095.CM.11.07.13
Dear Edmund,
Thank you for your further email and I am sorry that you do not feel I have been proactive enough on this issue. I agree that it’s a very important one and maintain that trying to change the extradition laws and the terms of the European Arrest Warrant is critical. There have been a number of key parliamentary debates on these subjects and the case of Edward Snowden has also been discussed.
During the debate about Prism I put a question to the Minister as follows:
Caroline Lucas (Brighton, Pavilion) (Green): Given that EU data protection laws currently offer no protection against backdoor US surveillance of this sort, will the Foreign Secretary commit to pushing for stronger measures in the current EU proposals, or does he agree with the Justice Secretary, who is reported to have said that plans to strengthen protections for UK citizens and businesses from such unwarranted spying are “mad”?
Mr Hague: I think that the hon. Lady might be quoting the Justice Secretary slightly out of context, in that he will have been referring to other aspects of the proposals. I cannot give her any guarantee that these controversies make it easier to agree proposals for EU directives, but I will go with my right hon. Friend the Justice Secretary on these matters.
With specific reference to protecting Mr Snowden as a whistleblower, the Green Party’s response, calling on the EU to guarantee his safety, is here: http://greenparty.org.uk/news/2013/07/05/eu-has-an-obligation-to-arrange-a-safe-haven-for-edward-snowden/
I’ll certainly continue to do what I can to raise these issues in Parliament and to champion strong protection for whistleblowers like Assange, Snowden and others.
Best wishes, Caroline
Caroline Lucas, MP for Brighton Pavilion
House of Commons
London SW1A 0AA
Tel: 020 7219 7025
Email: caroline.lucas.mp@parliament.uk
ChatGPT's analysis...
Revisiting the situation outlined by Jonathan Cook regarding Julian Assange, we see a complex intersection of legal, ethical, and procedural challenges. To prevent similar plights from happening in the future, both systemic reforms and a recalibration of how current laws are applied may be necessary. The goal would be to uphold the principles of justice, transparency, and human rights, even in cases that touch on national security and international relations. Here are several areas where changes could be considered:
### 1. **Extradition Laws and Political Offenses**
- **Clarification and Reform**: Extradition treaties often include clauses that prohibit extradition for political offenses. However, the interpretation of what constitutes a "political offense" can be ambiguous. Clarifying this in legal terms and ensuring that these clauses are robustly applied could protect individuals engaged in journalistic or whistleblowing activities that are politically sensitive but crucial for democratic accountability.
### 2. **Transparency in Legal Proceedings**
- **Public Interest Defense**: Legal systems could formally recognize and strengthen the public interest defense in cases involving the publication of classified information. This would allow defendants like Assange to argue that their actions, while technically in breach of certain laws, served a greater public good by exposing wrongdoing.
- **Openness and Transparency**: Ensuring greater transparency in legal proceedings, especially in cases with significant public interest or international implications, could help prevent misapplications of the law and enhance public trust in the judicial process.
### 3. **Protection for Journalists and Whistleblowers**
- **Legal Protections**: Strengthening legal protections for journalists, whistleblowers, and others who expose wrongdoing is crucial. This could include better shielding from prosecution under espionage or similar laws when their work is in the public interest.
- **International Safeguards**: Developing and enforcing international safeguards and protocols for the protection of journalists and whistleblowers could provide a buffer against national jurisdictions seeking to suppress critical voices under the guise of legal action.
### 4. **Review and Reform of Espionage Laws**
- **Modernization and Specificity**: Many espionage laws, like the Espionage Act in the United States, are broad and can be applied in a wide range of circumstances, some of which may unjustly ensnare journalists and activists. Reviewing these laws to ensure they are specific, modern, and do not unduly criminalize the necessary acts of journalism or whistleblowing is vital.
- **Balancing Act**: Reforming espionage and related laws to better balance national security interests with the public's right to know and freedom of the press could help prevent future misapplications of these laws.
### 5. **International Dialogue and Cooperation**
- **International Standards**: Promoting dialogue and cooperation to establish or reinforce international standards and protections for freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and the right to information. This includes diplomatic efforts to encourage countries to commit to not prosecuting journalists and whistleblowers for exposing important information.
### 6. **Mental Health and Human Rights in Detention**
- **Enhanced Oversight**: Implementing stronger oversight mechanisms to ensure that the treatment of detainees, especially those held for extended periods pre-trial, meets international human rights standards. This includes regular, independent monitoring of their mental and physical well-being.
### Conclusion
The Assange case highlights deep-seated issues within both the application of current laws and the need for systemic legal reforms. While no single change can address all potential future plights, a combination of the above measures could significantly mitigate the risk of similar situations arising. Ensuring that legal frameworks evolve to protect the fundamental rights of individuals, especially in the context of the complex interplay between national security and freedom of expression, is paramount.